Should all states raise the high school dropout age to 18 Essay

Should all states raise the high school dropout age to 18 - Essay Example The skills become better with increased age. Hence, 18-year-old students have more life experiences that make them better citizens. They are also able to comprehend issues and act in accordance with regulations. An 18-year-old student has an enhanced maturity and cognitive capacity. Therefore, making the legal age for school dropout ensures that the society has fully equipped members to promote sustainability. Persons aged 18 years are equipped physically and mentally to enhance productivity and help in nation building. Even though, critics argue that increasing age limit amount to a violation of student rights and that it does not consider the talents. The school provides the platforms for talent development and nurturing. Schools also improve the interpersonal skills of individuals through diversity. Persons also learn to respect and appreciate other people’s cultures. However, such attributes only become better with increased age. An 18-year-old student shows good reasoning compared to the one who drops out at an early age. Therefore, all States should establish mechanisms to keep students in high schools until they reach 18 years of

Negative speech for legalization of divorce Essay Example for Free

Negative speech for legalization of divorce Essay A divorce formally dissolves a legal marriage. While married couples do not possess a constitutional or legal right to divorce, states permit divorces because to do so best serves public policy. To ensure that a particular divorce serves public policy interests, some states require a cooling-off period, which prescribes a time period after legal separation that spouses must bear before they can initiate divorce proceedings. Courts in the United States currently recognize two types of divorces: absolute divorce, known as divorce a vinculo matrimonii and limited divorce, known as divorce a menso et thoro. To obtain an absolute divorce, courts require some type of evidentiary showing of misconduct or wrongdoing on one spouses part. An absolute divorce is a judicial termination of a legal marriage. An absolute divorce results in the changing back of both parties statuses to single. Limited divorces are typically referred to as separation decrees. Limited divorces result in termination of the right to cohabitate but the court refrains from officially dissolving the marriage and the parties statuses remain unchanged. Some states permit conversion divorce. Conversion divorce transforms a legal separation into a legal divorce after both parties have been separated for a statutorily-prescribed period of time. Many states have enacted no-fault divorce statutes. No fault divorce statutes do not require showing spousal misconduct and are a response to outdated divorce statutes that require proof of adultery or some other unsavory act in a court of law by the divorcing party. Nevertheless, even today, not all states have enacted no fault divorce statutes. Instead, the court must only find 1) that the relationship is no longer viable, 2) that irreconcilable differences have caused an irremediable breakdown of the marriage, 3) that discord or conflict of personalities have destroyed the legit ends of the marital relationship and prevents any reasonable possibility of reconciliation, or 4) that the marriage is irretrievably broken. Look to various state laws to determine the divorce law within a particular jurisdiction. The Uniform Marriage and Divorce Act may provide further guidance. PROPERTY DIVISION Following a divorce, the court must divide the property between the spouses. Before legislatures equalized property allocation between both spouses, many divorce statutes substantially favored property allocation to the wage-earning spouse. These statutes greatly disadvantaged women disproportionately because during the 18th, 19th, and early-20th centuries, the participation of women in the workplace was much less than it has become during the latter-half of the 20th century and early part of the 21st century. The statutes failed to account for the contributions of the spouse as homemaker and child-raiser. Modern courts recognize two different types of property during property division proceedings marital property and separate property. Marital property constitutes any property that the spouses acquire individually or jointly during the course of marriage. Separate property constitutes any property that one spouse purchased and possessed prior to the marriage and that did not substantially change in value during the course of the marriage because of the efforts of one or both spouses. If the separate property-owning spouse trades the property for other property or sells the property, the newly-acquired property or funds in consideration of the sale remain separate property. Modern division of property statutes strive for an equitable division of the marital assets. An equitable division does not necessarily involve an equal division but rather an allocation that comports with fairness and justice after a consideration of the totality of the circumstances. By dividing the assets equitably, a judge endeavors to effect the final separation of the parties and to enable both parties to start their post-marital lives with some degree of financial self-sufficiency. While various jurisdictions permit recognition of different factors, most courts at least recognize the following factors: contribution to the accumulation of marital property, the respective parties liabilities, whether one spouse received income-producing property while the other did not, the duration of the marriage, the age and health of the respective parties, the earning capacity and employability of the respective parties, the value of each partys separate property, the pension and retirement rights of each party, whether one party will receive custodial and child support provisions, the respective contributions of the spouses as a homemaker and as a parent, the tax consequences of the allocations, and whether one spouses marital misconduct caused the divorce. Most jurisdictions also give the family court judge broad jurisdiction by providing judges with the right to consider any other just and proper factor. When assigning property, judges cannot transfer the separate propert y of one spouse to another spouse without the legislature having previously passed an enabling statute. Whether such an enabling statute exists varies between jurisdictions. Alimony refers to payments from one spouse to the other. A court can order one spouse to pay three different types of alimony permanent alimony, temporary alimony, and rehabilitative alimony. Permanent alimony requires the payer to continue paying either for the rest of the payers life or until the spouse receiving payments remarries. Temporary alimony requires payments over a short interval of time so that the payment recipient can stand alone once again. The period of time covers the length of the property division litigation. Similar to temporary alimony, rehabilitative alimony requires the payer to give the recipient short-term alimony after the property division proceedings have concluded. Rehabilitative alimony endeavors to help a spouse with lesser employability or earning capacity become adjusted to a new post-marital life. Courts allocate alimony with the intention of permitting a spouse to maintain the standard of living to which the spouse has become accustomed. Factors affecting whether the court awards alimony include the marriages length, the length of separation before divorce, the parties ages, the parties respective incomes, the parties future financial prospects, the health of the parties, and the parties respective faults in causing the marriages demise. If a couple had children together while married, a court may require one spouse to pay child support to the spouse with custody, but one should note that alimony and child support differ.

International Law: Piracy, Law of the Sea, and Use of Force Essay examp

This paper will answer the four questions presented below: 1. What is the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court over piracy? 2. To what extent may European nations claim jurisdiction over acts of piracy committed off the Horn of Africa? 3. What international law enforcement co-operation mechanisms exist to assist in the investigation and prosecution of piracy committed in waters off the Horn of piracy? How these mechanisms assist in the investigation and prosecution of piracy? 4. What barriers to successful prosecution of Somalia piracy exist? What is the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court over piracy? Explain your answer. Piracy becomes one of significant matters across regional, because the menace of piracy attack, especially in the hot spot area as the Horn of Africa is still going up and causes a plenty of loss. As piracy acts as universal crime, so that universal jurisdiction must be adapted to combat against piracy. Although, international community attempts to cope with this issue by establishing mutual-operation, but the final step is to bring pirates into legal proceeding. Some other countries seem to have a limit within their own jurisdiction, so that piracy cases may not be prosecuted after they were captured. Some countries may reluctant to participate in this content as same as reluctant to co-operate with international community. Hence, the establishment of international court which can take responsible on this matter will be an extra option to solve a problem. International criminal court is one of another option that may reduce the conflicts in the case of piracy. The jurisdiction of th e International Criminal Court can be explained under the Rome of Statue which provides a p... ...nal of International Law Rome Statue of International Criminal Court, opened for signature 17 July 1998, A/CONF.183/9 (entered into force 1 July 2002) Totten, Christopher & Bernal, Matthew, ‘Somali Piracy: Jurisdictional Issues, Enforcement Problems and Potential Solutions’ (2010) 41(2) Georgetown Journal of International Law Thedwwall, Craig, ‘Choosing the Right Yardarm: Establishing an International Court for Piracy’ (2010) 41(2) Georgetown Journal of International Law Treves, Tullio, ‘Piracy, Law of the Sea, and Use of Force: Developments off the Coast of Somalia’ (2009) 20(2) The European Journal of International Law Very, Francois, ‘African maritime Security: A Time for Good Order at Sea’ (2010) 2(4) Australian Journal of Maritime and Ocean Affairs http://treaties.un.org/Pages/ViewDetails.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=XVIII-10&chapter=18&lang=en

Youth Justice Policy in Britain (1945-1981) †from Punishment to Welfare

Introduction The discussion of the youth justice policy in Britain has re-gained importance in the aftermath of the August 2011 riots, which spread across London and other major cities in the country. Think tank analysts and policy experts argued, that the youths which allegedly took part in the riots, were disillusioned and de-motivated young people from broken homes (Politics UK, 2011). The deep societal problem behind youth engagement in the London riots raised the question about the efficacy of the youth justice system in Britain, and debates about its institutional reform permeated the political discourse. After the gruesome murder of James Bulger in 1993 by two ten-year old boys the public and policy-makers became convinced, that only a general policy reform of the youth justice system is not sufficient. Rather a reform of specific sectors such as the ones dealing with anti-social behaviour and gang crime was much more urgent (Guardian, 2011). The purpose of this short essay is to critically review the different phases in the development of the youth justice system from the 1940s to 1981. Based on the conclusions, in the final section recommendations for policy reform will be made. Research question The purpose of this essay is to critically approach the different stages in the evolution of the youth justice policy in Britain. Based on this observation, the paper will provide an assessment of how the system has evolved and what the main trends in its transformation are. For clarity the author has decided to separate the observations in the following stages – from punishment to welfare, young offenders enter the community, and the strengthening of the Intermediate Treatment. Each one of them will be critically analysed in the following sections. The youth justice system in Britain: a review Before we proceed with the examination of the main developments in the youth justice system in the set period, it is important to provide a brief overview of the main components and structures of this system. Similarly to other types of youth justice systems, the British one inclines towards prevention, rather then retribution (Bottoms & Dignan, 2004). Bottoms and Dignan (2004) refer to the British youth justice system as a correctionalist and committed to the prevention of committing offences. The idea of the correctionalist system implies stronger intervention on behalf of the state, as opposed to earlier views such as letting young offenders grow out of the crime. This characteristic trend, experts argue, reflects a much more complex and multi-level approach to dealing with youth crime, involving different elements such as parents and agency teams. The trend has been accompanied with an intensive institutional reform, such as the introduction of the semi-independent body of the Youth Justice Board with the 1998 Crime and Disorder Act (Community Care, 2010). In the years to follow, there has been a trend for the unification of all activities related with youth justice under the umbrella of a single department – the Ministry of Justice, in order to create accountability and higher levels of responsibility in one of the most important and problematic policy areas in Britain. The 1940s – from punishment to welfare It is now clear that society’s views on crime change over time and are susceptible to historical and social conditions. The youth justice system in Britain is an example of the transformation of the concepts of crime and offender in social and political terms. Therefore the way young criminals have been treated by the criminal justice system has been a subject of reform throughout the years. In the late 1930s and early 1940s, perhaps one of the most important developments in the youth justice system is that a line between children and adult offenders was finally drawn. For the first time in the early 30s and 40s, the courts were obliged to consider the welfare of the child (Thorpe et. al, 1980). This marked a significant transformation of the whole justice system, because it determined a different role of the courts, related not only with taking punitive action, but also correction and care for the young offenders. It is now clear that the transformation from punishment to welfare has been later underpinned in another important document – the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (Youth Justice Board, 2008). As the later stages of the British youth justice system demonstrate, the latter has always been responsive to the developments, taking place in the field of human rights at any particular time. The 1960s – young offenders and the community The trend towards welferism which started in the early 1930s continued in the next several decades, and had its peak in the 1960s, when a special legislation, concerned with the social integration and correction of the young offenders was passed (Youth Justice Board, 2008: Thorpe et. al, 1980). In 1969 the Labour government passed a legislation to introduce a revised youth justice system, based on welfare principles and reformation of criminals (Thorpe et. al, 1980). The 1969 Children and Young Persons Act emphasized the role of the community as the environment, which would play a major role in the social integration of those who committed offences. The act also established the so-called â€Å"halfway house† which was the middle way between being subject to a Supervision Order (which requires minimum contact between supervisor and young person) and being taken into care (Youth Justice Board, 2008; Children and Young Persons Act, 1969). This new establishment came to be defined as Intermediate Treatment (IT) and according to some observers was the foundation of the modern youth justice system. Another intended development of this period, which however, did not come to fruition, was the attempt to increase the age of criminal responsibility from 10 to 14 years. Prior to the 1969 Act, the criminal responsibility age was only 8 years (Thorpe, et.al, 1980). The developments which took place between the 1940s and the late 1960s are a result of the rise of the welfare state in Britain and the rest of Europe. A major historical and sociological trend, the rise of the welfare state, which affected almost all policy sectors, was provoked by the advent of capitalism and consumerism, which according to social historians, exacerbated the class divisions in British society (Greenaway et. al, 1992). The youth justice system was no exception of this trend, and the establishments of the 1969 Act were a signifier of the fusion between community and policy. Youth crime was no longer a detached criminal activity for which only courts had responsibility – in the late 1960s it became a priority for the whole of the British society. The 1970s and 1980s – the strengthening of the Intermediate Treatment This decade was marked by persistence in the community-based treatment of young offenders. The role of community remained strong, and some judicial changes, such as the inclusion of â€Å"specified activities† in the Intermediate Treatment occurred. These were used to persuade magistrates to use communal sentences, instead of custodial sentences (Youth Justice Board, 2008). In this sense, the young offenders were made to participate in the welfare of the community as part of their correction process. In the light of these developments, it is interesting to notice that the connection between the community and young offenders remained twofold – young offenders were still treated as part of society, despite their violations. At the same time they were expected to contribute to its development. In its turn, society was to participate in their rehabilitation and integration in the post-offence stage. This is an important characteristics of the British youth justice system, because it reveals two things – that there is no positive connection between decreased custody and the level of youth offences, and that the British society took a middle stance between two types of justice – restorative justice, focusing on repairing the harms, resulting from the offence, and retributive justice, which relates to facing the consequences of the punishm ent imposed. This middle stance was about to change in the 1990s, when the cruel murder of two-year old James Bulger by two ten-year old boys was to push back the youth justice system towards punitive actions. Conclusion and recommendations This essay has attempted to critically examine the main stages in the development of the British youth system between 1945 and 1981. Two major developments have been discussed – the transition towards welferism and the steps towards correction, rather than punishment and custodial action. The role of the society has remained significant, and despite the developments of the early 1990s, the re-integration of young offenders has remained on the agenda. After the murder of James Bulger in 1993, public attention was once more shifted towards the reform of the youth justice system, and more specifically against the prevention of offending and re-offending, rather than mending the consequences of it. Therefore it is important that government efforts targeted towards bringing all the institutions involved in the British youth system under a coordinated scheme of action. Different units such as social workers, community volunteers, the police and those involved in education are to work together through enhanced dialogue. This means that the sectoralism in the criminal justice system needs to be reduced, and replaced with harmonization of efforts of different actors on all levels. This would ensure a holistic, rather than sectionalized approach to solving issues, related with youth crime in Britain. Bibliography: Bottoms, A. & Dignan, J. (2004) â€Å"Youth Justice in Great Britain†, Crime and Justice, Vol. 31 Children and Young Persons Act (1969), 22 October, The National Archives, Available at: http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1969/54 Retrieved 03.03.2012 Community Care (2010) â€Å"Ministry of Justice to take control of Youth Justice Board†, 20th May, Thursday, Available at: http://www.communitycare.co.uk/Articles/20/05/2010/114543/ministry-of-justice-to-take-control-of-youth-justice-board.htm Retrieved 03.03.2012 Greenaway, J.R., Smith, S. & Street, J. (1992) Deciding Factors in British Politics, London: Routledge ch. 2 pp. 29-39, ch 3. Guardian (2011) â€Å"What next for youth policy†?, August, 25, Available at: http://www.guardian.co.uk/public-leaders-network/blog/2011/aug/25/tony-blair-youth-policy-intervention-reform Retrieved 03.03.2012 Politics UK (2011) â€Å"Comment: What is causing the riots in London?, Nick Cowen, Monday, 8th of August, Available at: http://www.politics.co.uk/comment-analysis/2011/08/08/comment-what-is-causing-the-riots-in-london Retrieved 03.03.2012 Thorpe, D.H, Smith, D., Green, C.J, & Paley, J.H (1980) Out of Care: The Community Support of Juvenile Offenders Allen and Unwin Youth Justice Board (2008) â€Å"A Brief History of the Youth Justice System†, Available at: http://labspace.open.ac.uk/file.php/5193/YJ_k523_1/sco.htm Retrieved 03.03.2012

Korean College Students Reading Strategies Essay

1. INTRODUCTION Korean universities take a variety of different approaches to ensure college students obtain a strong level of English proficiency during their education. This is why many university English classes use authentic literature written for native English speakers. There are a variety of used resources; journal articles, research reports, thesis, online catalogues, databases, and internet materials. The number of English professors and universities that prefer to use authentic material is increasing. Reading authentic English text can be a burden for EFL learners. Kern (1994) mentioned that understanding texts written in a foreign language is a significant challenge for most students. To understand texts,a majority of readers not only translate a foreign language into their mother tongue, but also use translation to grasp the whole meaning of the content, and content related to their prior knowledge. When learners encounter authentictext, they tend to take the text for granted, not questioning the text or thinking about it in other ways. Many college students have previously been taught to read in order to solve the question without understanding the deeper meaning of the textand what influences the writer. In English education in Korea, reading is regarded as decoding the meaning of a written text to get knowledge and information. Thus, it is natural that reading activities in English textbooks focus on just getting information and grasping the content of the textbooks. That is why instructions from the teacher, reading strategies, and the classroom English reading textbook play important roles in training the learner how to read critically and gaining a full comprehension of what they read. Many studies in second or foreign language reading have investigated how second or foreign language readers deal with texts when reading in the target language (Block, 1996; Sheorey&Mokhtari, 2001). Meanwhile, the cognitive processes involved in reading comprehension in a second or foreign language are equivalent to those in the first language (Cummins, 1994), though constructing meaning in the second language is more demanding. While second language (L2) readers may think cognitively in reading, they generally face more difficulties in L2 reading because of their lack of grammar knowledge, limited vocabulary, or different cultural backgrounds, all of which impede comprehension. Many researchers like Chesla (1998), Cunningham and Stavonich (1997), Eskey (2005), and Hudson (2007) are interested the cognitive ocessesinvolved in reading comprehension, and have conducted a lot of research on effective reading lessons, reading materials, and students’ reading attitude. Ko (2005)found that students need to employ certain kinds of strategies in order to improve their reading skills: (1) They need to improve reading through extensive reading; (2) they need to find interesting content for motivation; (3) they need to enhance content knowledge in various areas; (4) they are willing to improve their spoken skills; (5) they want to improve their general writing skills; and (6) they need to increase their vocabulary knowledge. In this research, I will analyze whether Ko’s (2005) strategies and activities that teachers think are effective can be applied to gain reading comprehension. Reading strategies are referred to as the mental operations that are involved when readers approach a text effectively and make sense of what they read as well as what they do when they are lost while reading (Barnett, 1998; Block, 1986). As a part of helping readers to better comprehend L2 texts, some techniques or skills associated with reading proficiency have been examined. Many researchers have been making experiments about reading strategies. Some of these reading strategies range from skimming, scanning, contextual guessing, activating schemata, and identifying text structure, all of which are considered to be effective in enhancing comprehension (Block, 1986; Kern, 1994). Moreover, the Survey of Reading Strategies,known as SORS, introduced by Mokhtari and Sheorey (2002) will be adapted for use in this research project. This SORS has three major strategies: global reading strategies, problem solving strategies, and support strategies. For the students’ reading strategies, Korean college students tend to use the support reading strategy when they read; the global reading strategy is least preferred.However, research findings do not find a substantial gap among the three major strategies of SORS. This indicates that Korean students are not afraid of using different reading strategies, and do not limit themselves from receiving other perspectives. Teachers, who teach reading strategies, prefer one of the three main SORS strategies more. They use the global reading strategy most; meanwhile, they areunlikely to use the support reading strategy in the classroom, or even to recommend it to students. In this study, the researcherfocuses on Korean college students’ attitudes and preferences for using reading strategies, and the native English teachers’ attitude towards teaching reading, and the teacher’s preferences of reading strategies for teaching reading. Moreover, the researcher also investigates student’s reading difficulties and their expectations. The main research questions are as follows: For Korean college students: 1. Which reading strategies do Korean college students like to useand think effective in helping them to improve their reading comprehension skill? 2. What are the difficulties and problems that inhibit their effective reading comprehension? For native English teachers: 3. Which reading strategies do native English teachers like to teach and think are effective in helping students to improve their reading comprehension skill? 4. What are the difficulties and problems that inhibit you from teaching reading strategies effectively? 2. LITERATURE REVIEW Reading is an all-important language skill that is now in more demand than in any time in our history. With the exposure of the Internet in a global arena, students need to master reading in order to understand the vast knowledge the world embraces them with. It has been said that the literate adult today is reading more in one week than their great-grandfather did in a whole year (Swalmand Kling, 1973). This fact places pressures on the student to perform reading at a higher level than the student before them.Reading is the best way to absorb content materials and to increase critical thinking skills. It is also a hidden process that often goes unnoticed in the language classroom. In addition, reading is also a complex activity, where the goal is ‘to construct text meaning based on visually encoded information’(Anderson andNunan, 2007). In the first language (L1) reading, readers use only one language, whereas in the second language (L2) reading, learners have at least two languages to deal with. On the contrary, readingin a first or second language contextinvolves the reader, the text, and interaction between the reader and the text (Rumelhart, 1977). Although reading in the L1 shares numerous important basic elements with reading in a second or foreign language, the process also differs greatly. Intriguing questions involve whether there are two parallel cognitive processes at work, or whether there are processing strategies that accommodate both first and second language. Although on the surface first language and second language are different, readers can apply visual linguistic and cognitive strategies that they readily use in their first language reading to assist in their L2 reading. Whether the readers are reading in their first or second language the reading strategy operates in the same way: the readers look at the page and the print, then use their knowledge of sound or symbol relationships, order, grammar, and meaning to predict and confirm the meaning. In short, when readers have well-developed first language reading strategies, they can learn a second language more easily and rapidly.Students should have effective reading skills in their first language to assist their reading comprehension in a second language. 2.1. L1 Reading L1 reading is reading in the reader’s mother tongue. Reading contexts in general require knowledge of content; formal and linguistic schema. Reading is also a meaning-making process which involves an interaction between the reader and the text. Recent theories in second language reading stress that the L2 learners’ first language skills are very important when they learn a second language (Hakuta, 1986; Krashen, 1982). One of the main reasons supporting this claim is that when students have well-developed first language skills, they can acquire second language skills more rapidly. Concepts which were readily and strongly developed in their first language acquisition become accessible skills to learn a second language. This process is what is known as common underlying proficiency as described by Cummins, 1994. Although on the surface the two languages are different, readers can apply visual linguistic and cognitive strategies that they also use in their first language reading, to read in an L2 (Ovando, 2005). This means in both languages readers look at the page and the print, and then they use their knowledge of sound or symbol relationships, order, grammar, and meaning to predict and confirm meaning. There are four elements that are important in reading comprehension in either in L1 or L2: (1) whether the readerreads a lot and is familiar with reading in another language; (2) the length, type, and language difficulty of the text; (3) whether the reader uses the global reading, problem solving, or support strategies; and (4) fluency. In L1 reading, researchers have emphasized two factors potentially influencing readers’ processing strategies: the type of material that will be read and the purpose or goal for which a text will be read. 2.2. L2 Reading Second language reading is one of the four skills in mastering a foreign language. Seond language reading is gathering the syntatic and semantic processes as well as vocabulary, which include speed of letter naming, phonological processes, orthographic processes, and working memory. In addition, background knowledge also takes part in L2 reading comprehension (Malley, 1990). Moreover, based on Bernhard and Kamil (1995), second language reading comprehension processes have two main crucial variables; they are L2 vocabulary and L2 grammatical skills. In addition, there are six elements that intereact and blend together in forging the construct of L2 comprehension. The six elements are the phonemic/graphemic features, syntatic feature cognition (grammatical ability), word recognition, vocabulary, prior knowledge, and metacognition. Reading in an L2 is different from reading in an L1, in that L2 reading is influenced by a variety of factors that are normally not considered in L1 reading (Bernhardt andKamil, 1995). Among these factors, the two most frequently used ones to explain L2 reading fluency are readers’ L1 reading ability and L2 language proficiency. According to Teillefer (1996), these two factors significantly affect L2 reading comprehension, but to a different extent depending on different reading styles. With regard to importance and actual contribution of the above-mentioned two factors to L2 reading, there are two conflicting hypotheses: The Linguistic Threshold Hypothesis and the Linguistic Interdependence Hypothesis. The first hypothesis, also known as the Short-Circuit Hypothesis (Clarke, 1979), states that in order to read in an L2, a certain level of L2 linguistic ability is required. In another definition, the L1 reading ability can be transferred to L2 reading only when L2 proficiency is higher than the linguistic threshold. Therefore, a certain amount of linguistic ability is a prerequisite for the transfer to take place. That is, a certain amount of knowledge of L2 grammatical or linguistic skills is necessary in order to allow L1 reading knowledge to assist L2 reading (Bernhardt andKamil, 1995). Based on this hypothesis, it is assumed that without some L2 skills, the L2 readers’ limited language proficiency prevents their good L1 reading skills from being transferr ed to L2 reading (Lee, 2000). The second hypothesis is the Linguistic Interdependence Hypothesis, also known as Common Underlying Proficiency (Lee, 2007 and Cummins, 1994),which states that the reading performance in L2 is largely influenced by L1 reading ability, so L1 reading ability transfers to L2 reading. Therefore language skills such as reading and writing in the L1 are interconnected and transferable to L2. This hypothesis proposes that L1 skills and L2 skills are not so different, but at some fundamental core they are interdependent or even the same (Bernhardt andKamil, 1995). Hence, once a set of language skills has been acquired, it can be adapted to enhance reading in the L2 context. Despite the conflict of the two hypotheses, it has been acknowledged that each hypothesis is accurate to some extent that both L1 reading ability and L2 language proficiency are important factors to increase L2 reading fluency, and that the product of reading refers to the level of understanding, which is considered to be achieved by one’s reading ability and various reading strategies that the reader uses. Another finding from August (2006) states that learning to read in a second language is an entirely different process from learning to read in the first language, and the methods used to teach adult second language learners should be somewhat different from those that are used to teach children. August also mentions that L2 readers can build reading proficiency by using previously developed L1 reading skills and knowledge to support newly developing L2 language skills. So, in effect, L2 readers need less academic training to advance their skills in L2 reading. In other word s, the adult L2 learner needs to acquire most of the requisite academic skills from L2 instruction itself rather than from the transfer of the skills. Although some degree of skill transfer occurs from L1 to L2 for all second language readers, the academic goals of an individual with a weak L2 background are more dependent upon the newly acquired L2 language skills. Therefore, the L2 leaner requires a curriculum which provides a highly intensive focus on L2 language and reading skills. Transfer of L1 skills has a very powerful influence on the acquisition of L2 skills, but many adult second language readers need a great deal more thantransferred skills to achieve their academic goals. A well-developed L1 reading skill can be automatically transferred to L2 reading, and L2 readers as well as L1 readers contribute to the reading process in a constructive manner. However, there are other aspects that can limit the L2 readers’ contribution in reading second language material or text, which are language misinterpretation, lack of both background knowledge, and limited resources (Berhardt andKamil, 1995; Block, 1992; Koda, 1989). Therefore, one cannot simply assume that L2 readers will be able to interpret text in the same manner as competent L1 readers do (Gass, 1987). 2.2.1. Process of Reading Reading processes such as bottom-up, top-down, and interactive, can be used before, during, and after reading (Goodman, 1976; Rumelhart, 1977; Smith, 1971). According to Carell andGrabe (2002), L2 readers use different reading processesthan L1 readers do because (1) they are limited in their linguistic knowledge; (2) they do not have enough cultural and social knowledge that is common in the English content; (3) they do not necessarily retrain prior knowledge, which is the basis of understanding English materials; (4) they study English for a variety of reasons, including making themselves familiar with English speaking countries, and (5) they use both their first and second language. That is why knowingL2 learners’L2 reading ability and the type of texts will help in choosing reading processes which can make the text better understood. 2.2.2.1. Bottom-up processing Bottom-up processing is a type of reading process where reading comprehension starts with the fundamental basics of letter and sound recognition, then later builds up to letters, letter clusters, words, phrases, sentences, and longer text, and finally meaning in the order to achieve comprehension. Beginner learners need a strong bottom-up component, which includes phonics instruction. In bottom up reading, students start with the basics of letter and sound recognition, move from morpheme recognition to word recognition, grammatical structures, and sentences in order to achieve basic comprehension. According to Iwai (2007), in bottom-up processing readers focus on letters, sounds, syllables, words, phrases, sentences, and paragraphs. The process of constructing the meaning begins with written words. These learners view reading as beginning with the printed page, proceeding linearly from visual data to meaning by a series of processing stages. The most typical type that applies to bottom-up processing is intensive reading. Intensive reading involves a short reading passage followed by textbook activities to develop comprehension and/ or a particular reading skill. In an English lesson or in an English language course, this type of reading is often applied for sharpening students’ L2 knowledge and ability. 2.2.2.2. Top-down processing Top-down processing is a reading process where readers use background knowledge to predict meaning of the text. They search text to confirm or reject the predictions that they made. Within the top-down processing, the teacher should focus on meaning-based activities rather than on mastery of word recognition. By using this process, the reader builds comprehension skills by first applying general information already learned (larger elements) and moving down towards the specifics of the language (smaller elements). In top-down processing, readers make and evaluate experience and background knowledge. Coady (1979) wrote that the top-down processing model makes readers use their background knowledge schema and connects the schema with conceptual abilities and processing strategies to accomplish comprehension. University students have to do lots of research which requires lots of reading. This requires extensive reading and top-down reading processing. Extensive reading is also called pleasure reading, free voluntary reading, sustained silent reading, and supplementary reading (Bamford and Day, 2004; Nunan, 2003). In extensive reading, readers read as many books as they can outside of the classroom, to broaden their comprehension skills in order to get the main ideas or key points they need to imply top-down reading processing. The primary purpose of using extensive reading as a tool is to encourage students to enjoy reading in English, and thereby increase their motivation to improve their English skills by focusing on the understanding of broader and longer texts rather than the processing of a particular academic text. 2.2.1.3. Interactive Processing Reading is an interactive process that goes on between the reader and the text, resulting in comprehension. The text presents letters, words, sentences, and paragraphs that encode meaning. The reader uses knowledge, skills, and strategies to determine what that meaning is. This strategy is known as interactive processing; it is a combination of bottom-up and top-down processing which assumes that ‘a pattern is synthesized based on information provided simultaneously from several knowledge sources’ (Nunan, 2003), and it would include aspects of both intensiveand extensive reading. When put into practice, it is assumed that knowledge acquired from one strategy can compensate for the lack of knowledge from the other strategy. Fluent readers are considered to be those who can efficiently integrate both bottom-up and top-down strategies (Dubin, 1986; Grabe 1991; Murtagh, 1989). Aspects of interactive reading that help readers to interpret the author’s meaning are: 1) u sing their prior knowledge, 2) having a purpose for reading, 3) monitoring their understanding, and 4) working within the constraints of the situational context (Walker, 2001). The first aspect is that readers combine what they already know with the information from the text to figure out the author’s meaning (JohnandPrice, 2001). This textual information is comprised of pictures, letters in words, and headings, and the structure of sentences is used combined with prior knowledge (Kerringan, 1979). The second aspect is that readers tend to elaborate on what they read. They make connections using previous knowledge or experience to help them remember and interpret what they are reading. These new connections become part of thereaders’s knowledge base. The third aspect of interactive reading is that readers will continually monitor their understanding to see if it makes sense. These readers actively monitor their understanding through self-questions and various fix-up strategies to repair their comprehension. The fourth aspect is that readers use the situational context (elements given at a present time) to form ideas and adjust their purpose to each reading. 2.2.1.4. Interactive-compensatory model The interactive-compensatory model of reading was mainly developed to show how word recognition during reading can be affected by developmental and individual differences in the use of context (Stanovich, 1980). It is different from the bottom-up or top-down model in that in this model, readers process information simultaneously, not step by step. So, it seems that understanding of written and spoken language relies on a balanced combination of top-down and bottom-up processing. The readers have to pay attention to features in the text, orthographic knowledge, semantics, syntax, and lexical (vocabulary) knowledge when reading (Nutall, 2000). Thus, the perceptual-automatic recognition skill noted by Grabe (1992) seems psychologically real and theoretically possible, both in terms of Stanovich’s statement. Underwood (1982) asserted that when learners have achieved comprehension through practice, attention can be deviated. This interactive-compensatory theory states that all read ing skills develop independent of each other and in a different span of time. The purpose of the interactive-compensatory model is to provide a framework for understanding and improving L2 reading. The interactive-compensatory model includes 5 main components: cognitive abilities, knowledge, strategies, meta-cognition, and motivation. Knowledge and regulatory skills such as strategies and meta-cognition are combined into one category because of their close relationship among the components. There are three interrelated components within the model: cognitive ability, knowledge and regulation, and motivation (Underwood, 1982). Each of these components could be divided into further subcomponents. For example, the motivation component would include self-efficacy and attribution beliefs. It is assumed in the model that each of the components leads either directly or indirectly to learning.Since all components lead to learning, if a student is lacking in a particular skill (for example, knowledge) it could be compensated by greater strengths in other areas.

ANgelo Rebelo essays

ANgelo Rebelo essays On December 7, 1941 the Japanese launched a sneak attack on Pearl Habor. This attack on the United States Pacific Fleet was a total tactical success. The Japanese, using 360 planes and midgit submarines, were able to sink the USS Arizona, USS California, USS Maryland, USS Oklahoma, USS Pesilvania, USS Tennessee, and the USS Utha. They also destroyed Hickman Feild, the US air base on Hawaii. The result of this attack was a declaration of war on Germany, Italy, and Japan by the United States. It also had an effect on the Japanese-Americans living on the West Coast. American citizens had property taken away and were encarrsirated by their fellow citizens with executive order 9066. Even through this racist act many Japanese-Americans.volenteered for service in the United States Army. It was the 442nd combat regiment, "Go for Broke". This unit was given the derogatory name of Nisei. Yet, "Thos Japanese-Americans who... fought in the United States Army compiled a superb record for courage and endurance" (Sulzberger, 149). Just because Japanese-Americans were allowed to enter the armed services they did not escape racism. During the campiagn in France, the 442nd could have been the first combat regiment to enter Paris. They were ordered to to wait at the side of the rode to allow white combat units to pass them. They became the last unit to enter Pairis. This racist ideaof them was even present in the enemy. "One of the puzzeled and astonished Germans asked an American Lieutenant, 'But aren't those Japanese?' 'Yes,' said the Lieutenant, 'Didin't you know they were on our side? or do you believe all that stuff Goebbels tells you?'" (Sulzberger, 149) Racism was also shown in other ways during combat action. In Italy the 442nd was used as cannon foder. They were to make a third assult on Monte Cassino. This would be accompanied by a beach head landingin Anzio. "In an attempt to break the ...

Law Enforcement Race and Domestic Calls

Law Enforcement Race and Domestic Calls Introduction In order to remain legitimate, citizens ought to have confidence in the criminal justice system. If these citizens think of the institution as trustworthy, just, and fair, then chances are that they will concede to it.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Law Enforcement Race and Domestic Calls specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Law enforcement is one of the most critical components of the criminal justice system because it interacts with almost all members of society. Ethnic minorities and poor people predominantly contact the government through the criminal justice system. It, therefore, makes sense for law enforcers to appear just to this group of people. When policemen act differentially or in a biased way against a member of society, then they send the message that the political and social system of the country is unreliable. It is imperative to study one aspect of police interactions with the public; dome stic calls, in order to determine whether such injustices exist. In this paper, it is hypothesis is as follows: law enforcement officials will respond quicker to domestic calls in a white neighborhood than calls from predominantly black neighborhoods because of the perception of repeated crimes in such areas. Literature review It is necessary to look at theoretical underpinning of crime in order to understand the context of the research hypothesis. Two theories are insightful in this analysis; they are the social disorganization theory and the conflict theory of criminology. The social disorganization theory postulates that crime rates will be high in areas with dysfunctional communal institutions and minimal communal relationships. Lack of strong communal ties minimizes people’s cooperative behavior and hence their ability to prevent criminal behavior.Advertising Looking for essay on public administration? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% O FF Learn More If a community engages its members in communal institutions such as schools, churches and family, then chances are that these people will have a strong bond with each other. Consequently, they are less likely to commit crimes against one another. Analysts often apply the theory to people in small geographical units such as neighborhoods or communities (Bursik, 1988). The social disorganization theory arose in the early 1900s and criminologists used it to explain high rates of crime in Chicago. At the time, numerous immigrants had entered the city and few of them associated with each other on the community level. Chicago, which had consisted of a peasant society, became a multicultural city. Inconsistencies and disorganization replaced the uniformity and harmony that existed in the peasant society. Individualism and economic competition disintegrated the family unit as well as other communal institutions. Since families were agents of social control in t he previously homogenous society, then the heterogeneous society undermined government control. As a result, crime and delinquency persisted in Chicago. It is possible for a certain area to experience high rates of crime irrespective of the racial or biological composition of the residents. In the social disorganization theory, social conditions perpetuate crime and delinquency. Such areas are disorganized and lack the mechanisms for reinforcing laws. In the absence of these controls, crime will thrive (Groves Sampson, 1989).Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Law Enforcement Race and Domestic Calls specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More A number of researchers have studied the social disorganization theory in real-life settings. A case in point was a study done by Elijah Anderson. He summarized his findings in a piece known as the â€Å"Code of the Street†. The author studied an inner city African American community in Philadelphia. He found that a street code existed in this community, and there were sincere and insincere adherents of the phenomenon. Anderson (1999) explains that families in this community can either be ‘street’ or decent. Decent families hold mainstream values and inculcate the notions of self reliance and hard work among their family members. Nonetheless, they still teach their children how to behave in dangerous situations so as to protect themselves. Members of decent families will put on the street persona when faced with difficult situations so as to protect themselves from attacks. Conversely, street families orient their family members into a violent subculture. A high degree of disorganization exists among these families thus causing them to engage in self destructive behavior such as violence, alcoholism and drug abuse. These findings indicate that when a high degree of social organization exists, then crime will abound. Therefore, the study testifies t o the viability of the social disorganization theory. It will be useful to understand how the social disorganization theory relates to the effectiveness of police response to domestic calls in this study. One can use the theory to understand why law enforcers sometimes have a bias in this area of police work.Advertising Looking for essay on public administration? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The conflict theory of criminality is also quite useful in understanding criminality and hence police reactions to possible crimes. Karl Marx postulated that capitalist societies consist of two key groups; the working class (proletariat) and the elite (bourgeois). The resource owners always perpetuate their self interests by exploiting the masses. They control resources and use their positions of power to maintain the status quo. On the other hand, unequal distribution of resources causes members of the working class to become frustrated by the prevailing order thus prompting them to oppose the elite. A continuous conflict will always exist between the proletariat and the bourgeois because of this inequality. Crime manifests in capitalist societies because poor people need a method of survival; only minimal economic opportunities exist for the working class (Kelley, 2011). Additionally, Marxists believe that inequality alienates the poor from the rich and propels them into crime. Ma rxism and other conflict theories may also be used to explain why certain law enforcers behave the way they do. Adherents of this theory believe that the elite preserve the status quo by treating the law as an instrument. It is one of the many institutions (religion, education, and mass media) used to keep power among the ruling class. This is the reason why crimes committed by poor people solicit more severe punishments than those committed by the rich. Differential application of the law among members of a certain population perpetuates a hegemonic control of the masses. Biases in applications of law prove the existence of these hegemonies. For instance, only 2.7 % of all the Caucasians that law enforcers capture go to prison while an astounding 10.2% of blacks go through the same. There is a homogenous population in prison that preserves the status quo of the white majority. Additionally, white collar crime causes plenty of harm in society, but it do not solicit the same punitive actions from law enforcers as crimes committed by the working class. Even white collar crimes can be tax deduced once a judge passes the sentence. If a court fines an organization, it will often require only a small portion of its earnings and thus protect the interests of the company owners. For instance, it may pay a $1.8 million-fine yet company profits stand at $1.7 billion. Therefore, the punitive abilities of those fines are highly questionable. One may think of crime and deviance in a heterogeneous society as a consistent struggle between those in power and those outside the locus of control. Individuals in positions of authority will strive to expand their level of control over resources by defining the activities of others as deviant. Therefore, members in authority will always claim that others are a threat to the existing order. To the elite, the existing order is always the legitimate one. Matsueda and Drakulich (2009) carried out a study in which they wanted to build o n the conflict theory of social control. They analyzed African American’s perceptions of the criminal justice system and determined whether these perceptions undermine the legitimacy of institutions within the country. According to group conflict theories, the elite maintain control over subordinates through the legal system. Therefore, the biases, as dispensed through the criminal justice system, serve to disenfranchise economically-disadvantaged people continuously. The authors found that prejudices against African Americans exist, and these serve to damage the authenticity of such institutions. It is these racial injustices that cause many African Americans to support affirmative action as well as other liberal policies. Anderson (1999) further supports this notion in his analysis of a predominantly black neighborhood. The author states that institutional racism demoralizes African Americans and denies them opportunities for economic empowerment. Therefore, many of these c itizens choose crime (drugs and violence) in order to make financial gains that they would not have accessed had they tried mainstream society. Many African American drug dealers will enter the life of drug dealing in order to access material things and boost their status in society. In the conflict theory, deviance stems from the proletariat’s need for social mobility. This is the case with black youth in the ghetto. Many of them seek to strengthen their status by acquiring the money needed to buy fancy things. An economically disadvantaged group, such as the community under analysis, will often use deviant behavior in order to oppose the status quo (Anderson, 2002). Chambliss and Seidman (1982) further argue that the legal system serves an authoritarian order. Here, law enforcers have the work of implementing the law while politicians make it. Additionally, it is this authoritarian structure that causes deficiencies in the legal system. For instance, attorneys are the only ones who know most of the legal dialect in the law and this makes it inaccessible to the masses. Furthermore, appellate courts often make decisions that support the status quo. As a result, the elite will keep preserving their privileged positions through legal structures. It will be insightful to know how the conflict theory will relate to police reactions to callers. The theory will be useful in explaining why police are reluctant to respond to calls from predominantly black neighborhoods, if the bias exists. Additionally, the theory will contribute towards knowledge of the motivations for racial prejudice within the criminal justice system. Research findings Occurrences Police misconduct entails any act that abuses police authority, such as extortion, bribery, abuses, excessive force or failure to offer assistance to distressed callers. The latter situation is the subject of analysis in this paper. If police fail to act appropriately when a person calls for help, it is necessary to determine why they acted in such a manner. Several studies have looked into the issue of police misconduct and found that the behavior is likely to occur in neighborhoods with structural mobility issues. This can be easily explained through the social disorganization theory. Additionally, police misconduct may also stem from changes in the population; that is, racial bias (Kane, 2002). In fact, when these two factors exist in a certain location, then residents’ call for police help will not receive the much needed attention that it requires. The history of citizens and police interactions with one another has a large role to play in determining whether law enforcers will respond accordingly to a distress call from a black neighborhood. Anderson (1999) carried out his research in Germantown Avenue. He found that most residents did not trust the police owing to their indifference to their situations. Police helping behavior would dramatically reduce when in a predominantly b lack neighborhood. Some of the residents even reported cases of abuse from law enforcers who should have assisted them. For instance, instead of dealing with the matter at hand, police would ask them about unrelated issues such as the sale of drugs. Sometimes this would spiral out of control and lead to the arrest of a victim of a crime. Respondents in the latter study indicate that police were often present in the streets, but they did not have the residents’ interests at heart. The locals claimed that police officers have a low opinion of African American citizens, so they are less likely to assist them. Given this negative relationship between law enforcers and black citizens, it is safe to say that police response to African American domestic calls from black neighborhoods would be lackluster. A distinct difference exists between the provision of police services in black neighborhoods and white communities; law enforcers make these decisions based on the economic predispo sition of the residents as well as their racial composition. Brown and Coulter (1983) confirmed that an inequality exists in distribution of police services based on ethnicity. Sun and Payne (2004) further clarified that police do not act in the same way across all neighborhoods; their behavior changed according to their locations. The number of victims that received assistance in these locations was not as high as the number of incidences that occurred. Furthermore, citizens were likely to result to their own ways of seeking justice in these areas. Weitzer (2000) also found that racialized policing was a reality in predominantly black neighborhoods. The author compared police treatment of individuals across three neighborhoods in Washington DC. One neighborhood consisted of a predominantly lower class black community while the second one was a middle class white society. The third community was a middle class black community. Respondents gave their insights about how police treated them in relation to other communities. Weitzer (2000) found that the predominantly black, lower class community experienced racial bias from the police fraternity. If a member of the black community interacted with a police officer outside a black neighborhood, then police biases against them would disappear (Weitzer, 1999). Therefore, race becomes a problem in law enforcement when taking into account one’s neighborhood. The differential treatment of citizens by law enforcement officials can be manifested through the rate at which police respond to calls. Consequently, such variations prove that the research hypothesis in true. Racial composition and social-economic backgrounds of callers determine police reactions. It should be noted that the existence and extent of community policing in a certain neighborhood has adverse effects on how police respond to neighborhood calls. By its sheer nature, community policing represents a shift from reactive law enforcement to proactive work. Neighborhoods with a sound community policing strategy connect well with police and inform them about crimes before they occur. They have a strong relationship with police because police respond suitably when they call for help. Weitzer (2000) found that predominantly African American neighborhoods had poor relations with their police officers even when community policing existed. Study subjects stated that the police had no interest in engaging with them, and they were highly unwelcome. Such opinions from the residents stemmed from the fact that the police had failed to come through for them when they needed their help. Residents continually get negative feedback from police when they warn them about crimes (for instance through domestic calls), and this leads to resentment from them. It should be noted that these findings change dramatically when black officers enact community policing in predominantly black neighborhoods. Sun and Payne (2004) explain that differences in be haviors were present between black and white officers policing predominantly black neighborhoods. Findings indicated that black officers engaged in supportive activities when in black neighborhoods while white officers used more coercive tactics in these communities. As a result, one can assume that differential treatment of victims of crime is true, and this implies poor response during domestic calls. Theoretical explanations of police reactions to calls from African American neighborhoods In order to understand why the police behave so differently, it is necessary to look into the theoretical explanations of their behavior. Conflict theories indicate that people in positions of authority will act in a way that protects the interests of those in power. One can define a dominant group on the basis of economic status. Since American society largely consists of a white, middle class population, then poor, black citizens represent the opposite spectrum of those in power. When police r espond inadequately to domestic calls from low income, African American societies, they are protecting the interests of those in power. Wearing police uniform and belonging to the police fraternity gives many law enforcers a strong sense of identity, which tempts some of them to abuse their positions. One may thus perceive law enforcers as agents of social control (Chambliss and Seidman, 1982). In line with the above argument of social conflict, one may assume that unsatisfactory responses to domestic calls from African American callers stem from the lack of effective mechanisms for punishing racist behavior. The prevalence of a dominant race causes them to implement policies that preserve their place in the social hierarchy. Placement of mechanisms that deter racist behavior among police officers would undermine efforts designed to protect members of the dominant class. If proper disciplinary measures existed to correct such abuses of power, then the elite would no longer be signif icant. Police officers’ misconduct during call responses also stems from their perceptions of entities in control. Many law enforcers feel that the only genuine source of their authority stems from the majority, where they belong (Jacobs and O’Brien, 1998). On the other hand, police act discriminatorily during their response to distress calls owing to the social disorganization theory described in the literature review. Police may presume that predominantly black neighborhoods already have a high concentration of crime so their interventions will do little to change that. Consequently, this perception causes them to slow down their reactions to domestic calls. The temptation to do nothing or to act inappropriately is much higher in crime-prone neighborhoods than in neighborhoods without such incidences. Sampson and Bartush (1998) confirm these assumptions. They asserted that when the level of violent crime in a neighborhood became statistically insignificant, then poli ce indifference to residents also reduced to unusually low levels. This supports the notion that the police associate African American neighborhoods with a high degree of violence, and this makes it difficult to respond to them. It should be noted that Sampson and Bartusch (1998) do not support police biases; they were merely assessing perceptions and explanations for differential police behavior in divergent neighborhoods. One can look at this differential treatment by police using the opportunity model of social disorganization. In places where a high degree of crime already exists, it is likely that more opportunities for law enforcers’ misconduct exist. Neighborhoods with high crime rates often have a large proportion of police patrols. In fact, saturation patrolling is a common phenomenon in such locations. Police resident contacts are too frequent, and this often leads to friction between the two groups. This elevates the potential for hostile encounters between reside nts in high-crime neighborhoods. This means that when citizens need help, most of them will not find it from police officers. Law enforcers already have an abrasive attitude with them so this makes them less likely to help. Cases of over policing usually exist when law enforcers find the crimes. However, if local residents take the initiative to inform the police about these crimes, they are likely to receive a poor response. Additionally, because street crime is common in these neighborhoods, then police have more opportunities to act in a corrupt way. They can ignore calls for help and get away with it because of the degree of social disorder in those neighborhoods (Jacobs and O’Brien, 1998). Terrill and Reisig (2003) found that police tend to be more corrupt and inefficient in disadvantaged areas. Law enforcers are inefficient because of stereotyping members of low class African American communities as troublesome. Kane (2002) also makes a powerful argument when explaining why certain police officers fail to act satisfactorily after receiving domestic calls from predominantly black neighborhoods. Using the social disorganization theory, he explains that most of these residents lack the power to constrain corrupt or biased behavior. Residents in socially disorganized locations are powerless against abusive law enforcement. They do not have the capacity to lobby against police mistreatment, while residents in affluent or middle class neighborhoods know policy makers who can mobile against unethical police. As a result, police can get away with indifference against distressed callers from predominantly poor neighborhoods even when this behavior is continuous. Recommendations Police institutions need to take responsibility for their actions by being their own critics. They need to implement mechanisms for diagnosing inappropriate responses to domestic calls from African American neighborhoods, and find immediate remedies for them. Sometimes law enforcers are too quick to defend themselves or defend actions of their officers. It is necessary to have self critical measures that would eradicate this form of racism from the police. Since differential responses to callers emanates from power relations, then policemen need to be subjected to immense scrutiny in order to avoid the abuse of power. Regardless of the reasoning applied police should not respond differently to callers; this is an unjustifiable act that must be corrected. Some of the positive steps that police departments can take include establishments of an anti-racism policy and provision of training. An anti-racism policy should specifically talk about consistent and effective response to domestic callers. In precincts where a lot of divergent behavior towards white and black communities thrives, a Race Relations unit ought to be instated. The unit would solve conflicts when they arise. It would also provide information and mediate between those individuals who were victims of prejudiced behavior during phone calls. Additionally, the unit would furnish the precinct with the necessary information on the matter. Alternatively, such divisions can set up community relations units for handling these biases (Ungerleider, 1992). Aside from the use of reactive measures, to curb the practice, institutions ought to have preventive methods that would ensure police protect individuals irrespective of their economic status, race, or any other factor that causes bias. First, administrators can set up evaluation mechanisms that assess arrest rates from predominantly black neighborhoods. They should determine whether these arrests occurred because of additional crime or because of negative attitudes held by police officers. Such attitudes should be nipped in the bud before they manifest in poor helping behavior among black victims. Failure to do so could even lead to a high number of deaths among the group. Police divisions ought to change their hiring programs in or der to include members of diverse origins. Although this approach may not be the ultimate solution to racial biases in the police, at least it can be a useful tool for exposing officers to people of divergent origins. Daily associations with such members can cause many of them to alter their attitudes towards people who are different from them. When instating the program, racial quotas should be met in order to realize the benefits of such a strategy fully. Another preventive measure that should be employed by the police force is the implementation and improvement of community policing in predominantly black neighborhoods. As stated earlier, failed community policy can lead to resentment and disengagement between the police and residents. This breeds an attitude of indifference that becomes visible when citizens make domestic calls. Administrators should train police officers on how to carry out community policing effectively. Genuine engagement with residents should be the main poi nt of focus. Diversity management policies should be considered by those in charge in order to ascertain that racist behavior does not occur. Prevalence of a code of conduct in an institution should be implemented so that it can have a real impact on the group concerned (Ungerleider, 1992). Since some of the prejudices that police officers hold stem from the rest of society, then stakeholders should talk to the media about their approach to reporting crimes. When law enforcers arrest a member of an ethnic minority group, the media will often describe the suspect using the person’s racial identity, yet they do not do the same for white suspects. The use of these racially-based descriptions creates the perception that members of a certain race have criminal predispositions thus causing a bias in the public. These sentiments can rub-off on police officers who do their job based on these prejudices. Conclusion Studies support the research hypothesis; that police are slow to respo nd to domestic calls from predominantly black neighborhoods. They, however, respond quickly to domestic calls from predominantly white neighborhoods. The history of interactions between the police and members of predominantly black neighborhoods illustrates this. Police develop an attitude of indifference to these communities and are thus less prone to act when they get distress calls from them. Law enforcers also believe that such neighborhoods have a lot of repeat crimes, so they see no need to intervene in any situation hastily. Additionally, people in these neighborhoods have no ability to constrain or fight against corruption, so police can ignore their calls and get away with it. The country lacks institutions that can punish people with racist behavior. Consequently, some of them may engage in this behavior when getting distress calls and no authority will persecute them. Lastly, the police themselves perceive their positions to be powerful, and they also want to perpetuate t he interests of those they perceive as powerful. These reasons explain why officers handle calls from predominantly black neighborhoods improperly. Police divisions should alter the hiring programs and train their officers on how to respond to such calls consistently. Police departments should also enact evaluation policies on how police deal with cases from ethnic minorities. References Anderson, E. (1999). Code of the Street. NY: Norton. Anderson, E. (2002). The ideologically driven critique. American Journal of Sociology, 6, 1533-1550. Brown, K., and Coulter, P. (1983). Subjective and objective measures of police service delivery. Public Administration Review, 43 (6), 50-58. Bursik, R. (1988). Social disorganization and theories of crime and delinquency. Criminology, 26(3), 56-68. Chambliss, W. Seidman, R. (1982). Law, order and power. National Criminal Justice, 084636, 12-88. Groves, B. Sampson, R. (1989). Community structure and crime: Testing social disorganization theory. A merican Journal of Sociology, 94(4), 774-802. Jacobs, D. and O’Brien, R. (1998). The determinants of deadly force. A structural analysis of police violence. American Journal of Sociology, 103, 837-62. Kane, R. (2002). The social ecology of police misconduct. Criminology, 40(4), 867-96. Kelley, H. (2011). Elijah Anderson’s code of the street. Studies in the Social Sciences Research Journal, 1(1), 1-6 Matsueda, R. Drakulich, K. (2009). Perceptions of criminal injustice, symbolic racism and racial politics. The Annals of the American Academy, 10, 1-13 Sampson, R. and Bartusch, D. (1998). Legal cynicism and sub cultural tolerance of deviance. Law and Society Review, 32, 777-804. Terrill, W. and Reisig, M. (2003). Neighborhood context and police use of force. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 40, 291-32 Ungerleider, C. (1992). Police intercultural education-promoting understanding and empathy between police and ethnic communities. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 16(1), 51-66. Weitzer, R. (1999). Citizens’ Perceptions of Police Misconduct: Race and Neighborhood Context. Justice Quarterly, 16(4), 819-46 Weitzer, R. (2000). Racialized Policing: Residents’ Perceptions in Three Neighborhoods. Law and Society Review 34(1),129-55.

Definitions and Examples of Filler Words

Definitions and Examples of Filler Words A filler word is an apparently meaningless word, phrase, or sound that marks a pause or hesitation in speech. Also known as a pause filler or hesitation form. Some of the common filler words in English are um, uh, er, ah, like, okay, right, and you know. Although filler words may have fairly minimal lexical content, notes linguist Barbara A. Fox, they can play a strategic syntactic role in an unfolding utterance (in Fillers, Pauses and Placeholders, 2010). Examples and Observations Hey, hey, shh, shh, shh. Come on. Be sensitive to the fact that other people are not comfortable talking about emotional disturbances. Um, you know, I am, Im fine with that, but . . . other people. (Owen Wilson as Dignan in Bottle Rocket, 1996) Shirleys Use of Filler Words in Community Pierce: About those filler words of yours. I mean, nobody wants to buy brownies from somebody who says um and like. I have a method for fixing that. Start from the top.Shirley: Okay. These brownies are, uh- Pierce: Uh!Shirley: They, um- Pierce: Um!Shirley: These brownies are delicious. They taste like- Pierce: Like!Shirley: Thats not a filler word.Pierce: Whatever, valley girl.(Chevy Chase and Yvette Nicole Brown in Environmental Science. Community, Nov. 19, 2009) Safire on Hesitation Forms Modern  linguists  led by Leonard Bloomfield in 1933 call these hesitation forms- the sounds of stammering (uh), stuttering (um, um), throat-clearing (ahem!), stalling (well, um, that is), interjected when the speaker is groping for words or at a loss for the next thought. You know that yknow is among the most common of these hesitation forms. Its meaning is not the imperious you understand or even the old interrogatory do you get it? It is given as, and taken to be, merely a filler phrase, intended to fill a beat in the flow of sound, not unlike like, in its new sense of, like, a filler word . . . [T]hese staples of modern filler communication- I mean, yknow, like- can also be used as tee-up words. In olden times, pointer phrases or tee-up words were get this, would you believe? and are you ready? The function of these rib-nudging phrases was- are you ready?- to make the point, to focus the listeners attention on what was to follow. . .   If the purpose is to tee up a point, we should accept yknow and its friends as a mildly annoying spoken punctuation, the articulated colon that signals focus on this. . . . If the purpose is to grab a moment to think, we should allow ourselves to wonder: Why are filler phrases needed at all? What motivates the speaker to fill the moment of silence with any sound at all? (William Safire, Watching My Language: Adventures in the Word Trade. Random House, 1997) Filler Words Across Disciplines Why do some people fill the air with non-words and sounds? For some, it is a sign of nervousness; they fear silence and experience speaker anxiety. Recent research at Columbia University suggests another reason. Columbia psychologists speculated that speakers fill pauses when searching for the next word. To investigate this idea, they counted the use of filler words used by lecturers in biology, chemistry, and mathematics, where the subject matter uses scientific definitions that limit the variety of word choices available to the speaker. They then compared the number of filler words used by teachers in English, art history, and philosophy, where the subject matter is less well-defined and more open to word choices. . .   Twenty science lecturers used an average of 1.39 uhs a minute, compared with 4.85 uhs a minute by 13 humanities teachers. Their conclusion: subject matter and breadth of vocabulary may determine the use of filler words more than habit or anxiety. . . . Whatever the reason, the cure for filler words is preparation. You reduce nervousness and pre-select the right ways to say ideas through preparation and practice. (Paul R. Timm and Sherron Bienvenu, Straight Talk: Oral Communication for Career Success. Routledge, 2011) Pausing Perhaps no profession has uttered more ums or uhs than the legal profession. Such words are a clear indication that the speakers style is halting and uncertain. Eliminate these filler words. The lack of ums and uhs alone can make you sound more confident. And its not hard to do. Just pause. Every time you feel that youre about to use a filler word, pause instead. (Joey Asher, Selling and Communication Skills for Lawyers. ALM Publishing, 2005) Syntax, Morphology, and Fillers Perhaps because English and other western European languages tend to use fillers lacking morphology and syntax (preferring instead pause vowels), linguists have tended to ignore the significance of these forms for syntax. However, . . . we can see that some fillers, especially those known as placeholders, may carry a range of morphological marking, including prototypical nominal marking (gender, case, number) and prototypical verbal marking (person, number, TAM [tense-aspect-mood]). They may also take the morphology appropriate for adjectives and adverbs. In addition, they may occupy precisely the syntactic slot normally occupied by a regular noun or verb . . .. (Barbara A. Fox, Introduction. Fillers, Pauses and Placeholders, ed. by Nino Amiridze, Boyd H. Davis, and Margaret Maclagan, John Benjamins, 2010

Macbeth Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Macbeth - Research Paper Example the everlasting value of it, as all these elements combined with ill ambition, craving for high political position, becoming enormously rich in a dishonest way, etc., characterize modern societies in our time. Mac Bethad mac Findlaich or Macbeth for short in English was a Scottish king (1040-1057) who ruled successfully and wisely after killing his predecessor Duncan (1034-1040), who on the other hand was a weak and terrible leader. Macbeth was killed in 1057 in a battle led at Lumphanan in Aberdeenshire on 15th August against Malcolm, Duncan’s rightful heir to the throne. The events that took place shortly before Duncan’s murder and until Macbeth’s defeat were described in Shakespeare’s play â€Å"Macbeth† written sometime between 1604 and 1606. (â€Å"Mala Enciklopedija Prosveta† Belgrade, 1970, vol.2, p.15). Having a broad knowledge of Raphael Holinshed’s â€Å"Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland† (1587), Shakespeare apparently used it as a main source for writing this play. According to Holinshed, Duncan, the king of Scotland was a young and incapable ruler, but Shakespeare deliberately depicted him as an old and almost saint person in order to darken Macbeth’s crime even more than it actually was. Shakespeare used this chronicle to write a tragedy, not a historic play. George Buchanan’s â€Å"History of Scotland in Twenty Books† (2 volumes, 1733) written originally in Latin could have been another source for some scenes in the play. There are also things which must have been products of Shakespeare’s fantasy (the scene with the banquet and the appearance of Banquo’s ghost or Lady Macbeth’s sleepwalking). Some critics even claim certain scenes were influenced by the Roman history, and some give credit to the legends Shakes peare knew so well. Yet, whatever the sources, â€Å"there is no doubt that the tragic status of Macbeth would be far weaker, were it not for the facts given in the Holinshed’s chronicle that Duncan was weak,

The Concept of Multicultural Education Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

The Concept of Multicultural Education - Essay Example In fact, multicultural education represents a response to the dynamically changing demographic situation observed in the United States. According to the most recent projections, by 2020 approximately 46 percent of the whole public school student population will be children of color and more than 20 percent will be from poor families (Banks, 1997). Evidently, addressing the diverse learning needs of such population is a pressing task faced by the US educational system. However, the monocultural approach that has traditionally been the cornerstone of American education mostly focuses on the values, instructions and content of middle class Eurocentric student population. Such focus substantially complicates the process of learning the academic knowledge for students of different cultural and social background: the incompatibility between the culture of ethnic and social minority students and the educational approach based on the values of majority seriously affects achievement and contributes to academic failure of students (Nielson, 1991). Therefore, an increasingly multicultural student population in the US stresses the need to address the systemic, curricular, and pedagogical barriers that negatively affect academic performance and achievement of minority students. Furthermore, the concept of multicultural education also recognizes that "an increasingly multicultural nation and a shrinking and contentious planet at the edge of the twenty-first cen tury demands a people who are critical thinkers and able to deal with the complexities of multicultural differences" (Hanley, 2002). Many believe that multicultural educational... This paper approves that many believe that multicultural educational policies help students develop new human capabilities and new identities in order to properly respond to the increasing need to recognize cultural diversity. Multicultural education promotes the ideals of cultural and educational equity, social justice thus enabling students to reach their fully potential in learning the curriculum. The idea of multicultural education looks extremely attractive as an effective tool to reinforce the democratic multicultural society and at the same time respect the inclination of different ethnic groups to preserve their cultural traditions. This essay makes a conclusion that multiculturalism definitely has the potential to become a serious tool in reducing discrimination and inequalities in the realm of education. Multicultural education practices often fail to address the difficult task of unifying the society without neglecting the cultural and ethnic traditions of minorities. Moreover, the constantly changing society creates new challenges that can hardly be addressed within the existing framework of multicultural education. However, failure to achieve certain goals does not mean that the concept of multicultural education is futile per se. On the contrary, it should create additional motivation for scholars and teachers to look for innovations and new opportunities to meet the challenges of these days and correct the previous mistakes. Multicultural education must be changed seriously to effectively respond to the needs of this epoch.

Wireless Intrusion Detection Systems Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Wireless Intrusion Detection Systems - Essay Example One of the common wireless intrusion methods is known as ‘Wardriving’. Normally, this is done by using a Windows laptop running Wardriving software, for example NetStumbler, and equipped with an IEEE 802.11b adapter and external aerial. The ‘Wardriver’ moves near the wireless network area expecting to detect IEEE 802.11b signals that have spilled out onto the area around. NetStumbler search for beacon frames from the access points (APs) and processing these beacon frames, it is feasible to resolve the encryption strength, channel, and type of hardware used. The Wardriver may also get other details of the network such as the Service Set Identifier (SSID). Usually, this is done as a hobby and such hobbyists may combine the data with Global Positioning System (GPS) information to generate geographic maps of wireless networks in the area and their configurations. There are different software’s available for Wardriving, basing on the platform used. As a ma tter of fact, active software like NetStumbler, dStumbler, and MiniStumbler transmit probe request frames to extract responses from APs (Wright, 2002). This helps their probability of detecting APs. Another popular intrusion method is the Linux program AirSnort, most commonly used tool for WEP key extraction. Intruder by means of AirSnort would clandestinely gather wireless network traffic of the intended network. AirSnort can find out the WEP key of the network by processing the weak frames collected. There is also possibility of denial-of-service (DoS) attack on the network.

Leadership in Health Care Organizations Practicum Coursework - 14

Leadership in Health Care Organizations Practicum - Coursework Example Our entire organization was sealed in a way for the safety precaution purpose. Along with my team, especial health team was also overlooking the patient’s case. We were either prohibited to approach the patient unnecessarily. When I and my team went to give the initial treatment to the patient, then I examine that it might not be small pox. I immediately inform my leader to run some blood tests, before beginning the small pox precaution treatment. My leader humiliated me, and disagreed. Patient’s condition was not getting better with the given treatment. His condition was getting more critical. I hardly managed to conduct some tests of patient, to come up with a proof. I presented the tests result to my leader with a proof that, it is some other skin allergy containing identical signs of small pox. I asked my leader to agree with my observation, trust and stop the wrong medical treatment. On getting the patient worst, my leader eventually gave importance to my evaluatio n and made the especial health control team to cope up with me. As soon as the treatment given to the patient was replaced, it confirmed the misjudgment of small pox taken by my leader. Patient’s overall condition got stable and in control. Patient had some other skin disease, which was absolutely treatable. I was glad that my leader put down his stubbornness for a while, by giving the significance to my experience so far. That was the time, I really felt myself well acknowledged and educated in my working field. Leader can’t always be right. Sometimes the situations come across, which could probably mislead a leader’s examination over his team members. By doing the right thing at the right time, we as a team were successful in saving the life of our patient. Our organization was unsealed, and the inside working was switch onto usual. The outcome which can be taken by this experience is that, humility is

The Relationship Between Reading and Success on 4th Grade Standardized Dissertation - 1

The Relationship Between Reading and Success on 4th Grade Standardized Tests - Dissertation Example 5: Annual Yearly Progress of Title i Schools in Georgia 2003 – 2008 20 Figure 6: Research significance 32 List of Tables Table 1: Map scores and their interpretations 8 Table 2: Relationship of Lexile and grade levels 12 Table 3: Lexile data from spring 2008 CRCT & GHSGT 13 Table 4: Grade level text and reader Lexile boundaries, median Lexiles, and Lexiles at test cut scores 13 Table 5: Median Lexile from CRCT & GHSGT by grade from 2006 - 2008 with text Lexile boundaries 14 Table 6: Progress report of NCLB 19 Table 7: America's Record of Achievement 19 Table 8: Annual Yearly Progress of... Percentage of students whose pass status was accurately predicted by their MAP performance using reported cut scores 25 Table 13: Estimated probability of scoring as proficient or higher on the state reading test in same season (Spring), by students grade and RIT score range on MAP reading 27 Table 14: 2010 Georgia CRCT Results for Appling County 40 Abbreviation of Terms Used AYP Adequate Yearly Progress CRCT Criterion-Referenced Competency Tests GHSGT Georgia High School Graduation Tests MAP Measure of Academic Progress NCLB Act No Child Left Behind Act NEAP National Assessment of Educational Progress NWEA Northwest Evaluation Association RIT Rausch UnIT Chapter 1: Introduction This chapter delineates an overview of the study to explore the relationship between reading and success on 4th Grade Standardized Tests. Beginning with a discussion on the background of the study with a local problem in an elementary school in Georgia, the section provides the basis of the problem and introd uces to the phenomenon under study, leading to the nature of the specific research question and development of the hypotheses on the present phenomenon. It then deals with the purpose of the study and the theoretical framework relevant to the study providing explanations of the operational definitions. Subsequently, it discusses about the bounds of the study indicating the scope and limitation and the assumptions made. The next section discusses the significance of the study explaining how this study can be applied to the local problems, professional applications, and brings about a positive social change. Finally, the chapter is summarized with key points of the study and an over view of the remaining chapters. 1.1 Background Studies have indicated that there is a strong positive

Leadership in Health Care Organizations Practicum Coursework - 14

Leadership in Health Care Organizations Practicum - Coursework Example Our entire organization was sealed in a way for the safety precaution purpose. Along with my team, especial health team was also overlooking the patient’s case. We were either prohibited to approach the patient unnecessarily. When I and my team went to give the initial treatment to the patient, then I examine that it might not be small pox. I immediately inform my leader to run some blood tests, before beginning the small pox precaution treatment. My leader humiliated me, and disagreed. Patient’s condition was not getting better with the given treatment. His condition was getting more critical. I hardly managed to conduct some tests of patient, to come up with a proof. I presented the tests result to my leader with a proof that, it is some other skin allergy containing identical signs of small pox. I asked my leader to agree with my observation, trust and stop the wrong medical treatment. On getting the patient worst, my leader eventually gave importance to my evaluatio n and made the especial health control team to cope up with me. As soon as the treatment given to the patient was replaced, it confirmed the misjudgment of small pox taken by my leader. Patient’s overall condition got stable and in control. Patient had some other skin disease, which was absolutely treatable. I was glad that my leader put down his stubbornness for a while, by giving the significance to my experience so far. That was the time, I really felt myself well acknowledged and educated in my working field. Leader can’t always be right. Sometimes the situations come across, which could probably mislead a leader’s examination over his team members. By doing the right thing at the right time, we as a team were successful in saving the life of our patient. Our organization was unsealed, and the inside working was switch onto usual. The outcome which can be taken by this experience is that, humility is

Critically evaluate Hope and Fraser's (1997) arguments and the reasons Essay

Critically evaluate Hope and Fraser's (1997) arguments and the reasons for their arguments - Essay Example After ascertaining this, the limits of the budget follows. A budget, to be useful to a manager at any level, must reflect the organization pattern. When plans are complete and coordinated very well to fit into the departmental operations, the department budget becomes useful as an instrument of control. Budgeting, Hope and Fraser (1997:22) argue, should be dispensed with because it: "strengthens the vertical chain of command and control rather than empowering managers. It constrains rather than increases flexibility and responsiveness. It reinforces departmental barriers rather than encouraging knowledge-sharing across the organization. It makes people feel undervalued as 'costs to be minimized' rather than assets to be developed. And it is bureaucratic, internally focused and time-consuming." That is quite a diatribe. Yet, it seems from anecdotal and other evidence that budgeting remains 'alive and well' in most organizations. First, there is a risk of overdoing the budget by way of spelling out minor expenses in detail that deprive managers of the needed freedom in managing their units. For instance, a department head in a poorly budgeted company was hampered in a very important sales promotion because expenditures for office equipment exceeded budgetary estimates. Such being the same, the new expenditures had to ... Such being the same, the new expenditures had to be limited, even though his total expenses in his unit where within the budget and he had funds to pay personnel for writing sales promotional letters. In another case, a department's expenses were budgeted in such less important details that the actual budgeting cost of many items exceeded far the controlled expenses. Another risk may lie in allowing budgetary goals to become more important than the organizational goals. As mentioned by Fraser, budgeting strengthens the vertical chain of command and control rather than empowering managers. Managers, in their desire to keep within limits, might forget that they owe loyalty to the organization's ideals and objectives. In one organization with a budgetary control program, the sales department could not get needed information from the medical department on the ground that the latter's budget would not stand such expenses. This conflict exists perhaps because there is no proper coordination; and normally, these are symptoms of inadequate management. Plans constitute a supporting and interlocking network and every plan should be clearly in a budget. It is interesting to note that it is often common for managers to say that an idea is good but it is rejected because it is not within the budget. Sometimes, budgets often control the wrong things. They measure inputs but ignore outputs such as the quality of the product or customer satisfaction. These items may be difficult to measure; yet they may be the key to success or failure of the enterprise. Some managers may no invest in research and development or invest in activities that will result eventually in greater market share because these investments normally do not show immediate results. It is wiser

NaOH Standardization and Titration of an Unknown Organic Acid Essay Example for Free

NaOH Standardization and Titration of an Unknown Organic Acid Essay NaOH Standardization and Titration of an Unknown Organic Acid Overview: Methods for counting the number of molecules in a sample is a major emphasis of laboratory work. In this experiment we will use the method of titration to count the number of acid molecules in a solution. Measuring mass is a relatively easy procedure to do in the lab (although a balance is expensive). Counting the number of particles requires more effort. Molecular counting can be done by setting an unknown amount of a substance equal to a known amount of substance. In the titration we will perform in lab this week, you will add OH ions to solution until they are equivalent to the number of H+ ions in solution. The point at which this mole equivalency occurs is known as the equivalence point. An indicator in the solution will change color to signal that the equivalence has been reached (actually, the indicator responds to the slightest excess of OH ions). The color change in a titration is called the endpoint. At the equivalence point of the titration, the moles of OH (base) are equivalent to the moles of H+ (acid) in the sample. The moles of OH added to the solution from a buret are calculated from the concentration of the base (MOH) and the volume of base (VOH) added, as: V (L) n (mol) Lmol MOH OH OH The lab goal is to determine the molar mass of an unknown monoprotic acid. The grams of acid are determined from weighing the acid and the moles are determined from the titration with NaOH. Because it is a monoprotic acid, the moles of acid are equal to the moles of OH at the endpoint of the titration. n (mol) n (mol) OH acid Standardization of NaOH: Last week in lab you prepared a NaOH solution with an approximate concentration of 0.1 M. The first task is to determine the exact concentration of that solution by titrating the NaOH against a known amount of acid. The known amount of acid you will use comes from dissolving the solid acid potassium hydrogen phthalate (KHP, FW = 204.2212 g/mol) in 25 mL of H2O. KHP is a large organic molecule, but can be viewed simply as a monoprotic acid. The titration of the KHP with NaOH can be express by the chemical reaction: OH (aq) + KHP(aq) H2O + KP (aq) To standardize (determine the concentration of) your NaOH solution Lmol you will measure volume of NaOH required to reach the titration endpoint. At the equivalence point the moles of NaOH are equivalent to the moles of KHP titrated. n (mol) n (mol) NaOH KHP .Before you titrate a KHP sample, begin with a practice titration of 25 mL of a 0.1 M HCl solution with your NaOH. A  practice titration is a good way to begin any titration. It lets you know the approximate concentration of your NaOH solution and the behavior of the indicator at the endpoint. Prepare a buret with your NaOH solution. Recall how you clean the buret first with DI water and then rinse the buret with about 10 mL of your NaOH solution. Drain the rinse NaOH into a large waste beaker at your lab bench. Finally, fill your buret with NaOH,. Be sure to fill the tip of the buret before you use it and make sure there are no bubbles in the tip. With your graduated cylinder measure approximately 25 mL of 0.1M HCl. Record the exact volume you use. Add the HCl to an erlenmyer flask and add three drops of phenolphthalein indicator. Titrate the acid solution with the NaOH. Place the erlenmyer flask under the buret on a white sheet of paper (or towel). Remember to make an initial volume reading before you begin. You should need nearly the same volume of base as you have acid for this titration, because the molarities of each are similar. You can titrate quickly at first, but as you get near the endpoint slow your titrating. Small amounts of titrant can be added by quickly rotating the buret stopcock one revolution as you approach the end point. Even smaller quantities of a single drop can be added as you approach the end point. Remember this is only practice. Don t spend a lot of time on this step. After you have reached the endpoint, the lightest pink color that will persist for 20 seconds, show this solution to your TA. Anything past light pink indicates a solution with excess OH and you will be over counting the moles of acid in solution. After this practice titration, refill your buret, dump your titrated solution down the drain, and rinse your glassware with DI water. Standardization of NaOH with KHP: Prepare a solution with a known number of moles of acid, by weighing exactly, approximately 0.5 grams of the solid acid KHP in a weigh boat. (Do not add KHP to the weigh boat while on the balance!) Add the weighed acid to a large erlenmyer flask. If any of the KHP remains on the weigh boat use your squirt bottle to rinse all of the KHP into the erlenmyer flask. Dissolve the acid in approximately 30 mL of water the exact amount does not matter. Add four drops of phenolphthalein indicator. Titrate the KHP acid solution with the NaOH. Place the erlenmyer flask under the buret on a white sheet of paper (or towel). Remember to make an initial volume reading before you begin. If not all of the KHP is dissolved, you can still begin the titration. Just make sure that all the  KHP is dissolved before you reach the titration endpoint. The first titration is always the most difficult because you do not know how carefully you need to add the titrant. In this case, you should be able to add 15 mL of NaOH without passing the endpoint. As you are adding your initial amounts of NaOH,notice the pink color of the indicator right as the NaOH enters the solution. As the pink color begins to persist, slow the titration down. Do not let the buret go below 50 mL during the titration. If you get close to 50 mL, stop the titration, record the volume of the buret and then refill the buret and continue to titrate. The end point of the titration occurs when the solution is the lightest pink color that will persist for 20 seconds. It is very likely that you will overshoot the endpoint on your first try. Don t let this worry you. Record the final volume on the buret. At the equivalence point, you have added the exact number of moles of OH as there were moles of acid initially. The moles of acid (monoprotic) you can determine from the mass of the acid and its molar mass (KHP = 204.2212 g/mol). Before you continue, calculate the approximate concentration of your NaOH solution. Perform a second titration of KHP with NaOH. Weigh and dissolve another 0.5 g sample of KHP and dissolve it in a clean erlenmyer flask. The flask can be wet inside. Why can the Erlenmyer flask be wet when sample is added, but the buret must be carefully rinsed with the solution that will eventually be dispensed? Refill your buret with NaOH and titrate the new KHP sample to its pink endpoint. Do not forget to make an intial buret reading, add indicator and not go past 50 mL on the buret. After the titration, calculate the concentration (molarity) of your NaOH solution. Titrate a third KHP sample with the intent of obtaining a third measurement of your NaOH solution concentration. After tititrating the third sample, calculate the NaOH concentration and compare all three calculations of the NaOH concentrations. If the three measurements of the concentration are the same to within 0.02 M, you may conclude that the concentration of your NaOH is the average of these three measurements. If you have accomplished this precision in your standardization of NaOH, continue to the titration on an unknown acid. If any of the measured NaOH concentrations are more than 0.02 M, you should perform a fourth standardization titration, using another 0.5 g sample of KHP. After examining the four concentration of NaOH, determine if any one concentration is suspect as either too large or too small. You  can do this by inspection. However, there are statistical tests (Student T-tests) that will calculate if a data point is an outlier. If we ever team teach this course with Math140 we will use the student T-test at this point. For now, if three concentrations are within 0.02 M then average these three concentrations as the NaOH concentration. If you still don t have three measurements within 0.02 M of each other, perform a fifth standardization with a new sample of KHP. Obtain the NaOH concentration from the fifth titration and average all five measurements to obtain an average NaOH concentration.Titration of an Unknown Acid to Determine Molar Mass: The units of molar mass are g/mol. This intensive property is the ratio of two extensive properties, as is shown in the figure below. To determine the molar mass of your unknown acid, you will perform the titration of the unknown acid in the same way you performed the titration of KHP. Obtain from your TA an unknown acid sample vial. Write your unknown number in your notebook. This sample vial contains two samples of your unknown acid. Weigh the vial and all its contents. Add half of the acid to a clean erlenmyer flask. Reweigh the sample vial to determine how much acid you will be titrating in Trial # 1. Note: There are only two samples of your unknown available. Exercise caution while titrating. Treating the unknown acid in the same way as the KHP sample, titrate to the endpoint and calculate the moles of NaOH require to reach the endpoint. From the mass and mole measurements of the unknown acid, determine the molar mass of the unknown acid. Clean your glassware and repeat the titrtation on the second sample of unknown acid. To report the molar mass of the acid, take an average of the two molar mass measurements. Report the uncertainty as half of the difference between the two mass measurements (ex. if Trial # 1 gives a mass of 240 g/mol and Tiral # 2 gives 256 g/mol the average should be reported as 248 8 g/mol). Before you leave the lab, clean your buret with distilled water then place it upside down in the buret clamp with the stopcock open. All solutions can be placed down the sink. Return your unknown vial to your TA. Finally, turn in your blue notebook pages